According to sources close to the Presidential Administration, there will be a change of governor in the Southern Urals in the near future. The long-awaited resignation of Boris Dubrovsky will most likely take place immediately after the May holidays or in a few weeks.

Over the past six months, the issue of the resignation of the South Ural governor has been raised more than once. Twice the owner of MMK, Viktor Rashnikov, managed to defend Dubrovsky in the Kremlin, but the limit of trust in the “Magnitogorsk team”, it seems, has already been completely exhausted at the top.

The “gubernatorial purges” that began this year and are associated by political scientists with the pre-election situation have sharpened the issue of Boris Dubrovsky, who has a high anti-rating, being in the governor’s chair. Political failures in Chesma, Techensky and Bobrovsky settlements, “seething” in Kopeisk demonstrated Dubrovsky’s inability to manage the situation. At the meetings it became clearly visible that... Dubrovsky himself, it seems, has already given up on everything, which has recently been clearly demonstrated by both him and.

The resignation of the governor is being actively discussed among the political and economic elite of the Southern Urals. And now, finally, this widely expected (if not to put it more harshly, long-awaited) resignation of Dubrovsky received confirmation from sources in the Presidential Administration.

In all likelihood, a change of power in the Southern Urals will occur in the coming weeks.

Who will be the new governor?

Naturally, the resignation of Boris Dubrovsky brings to the fore the question of his successor as governor. At the moment, as Russian Press learned from sources from the federal center, there are two main and two possible candidates for the role of acting governor of the Chelyabinsk region (and also, subsequently, a potential governor).

According to our information, a careful selection of candidates in the Presidential Administration has identified the two most likely people capable of taking the chair of the head of the Southern Urals - Irina Gekht and Sergei Nosov. By the way, these candidates were positioned as the most likely successors to Dubrovsky last year, when the first threat of resignation arose (which Dubrovsky managed to avoid thanks to personal negotiations between the owner of MMK Viktor Rashnikov and the President).

State Duma deputy Vladimir Burmatov (creature of State Duma Chairman Vyacheslav Volodin) and “silovik” Mikhail Grishankov are also being named as possible candidates on the political sidelines.

Irina Gekht

Irina Gekht is an experienced politician, supported, according to sources, personally by the Speaker of the Federation Council Valentina Matvienko. Hecht’s managerial qualities are rated quite highly: she has a complete understanding of the social sphere of the Chelyabinsk region.

As a politician, Irina Gekht performed well in the elections various levels, quite successfully conducting their own election campaigns. The experience she gained at the federal level in the upper house of parliament will no doubt be useful. Hecht has good connections in the highest circles of the legislative branch and is highly respected among his colleagues in the Federation Council.

Irina Gekht’s position is very strong, the chances of taking the governor’s chair are quite high, especially considering the possible lobbying of this candidacy by the Speaker of the Federation Council. It would not be out of place to add here that Matvienko has recently strengthened her political positions, which is noticeable against the background of the Kremlin’s decreased trust in the State Duma and Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin. So the help of such a strong lobbyist really seriously increases Irina Gekht’s chances.

Information from Russian Press: Irina Alfredovna Gekht was born in 1969 in the Kurgan region, the city of Shchuchye. She graduated from school in the city of Raduzhny, Khanty-Mansiysk, with a gold medal. Autonomous Okrug, received the title of city champion in ballroom dancing. In 1992 she graduated from the Faculty of History of Chelyabinsk state university, in 1998 – graduate school. In 2009 she received the title of Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences. He is an associate professor of the department " Social work» ChelSU.

She entered politics in the early 2000s, working on social issues. In 2010 she became the first deputy minister of social relations of the Chelyabinsk region, and in 2011 she headed this ministry. In 2013, she became Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Chelyabinsk Region for Social Issues. With the arrival of Boris Dubrovsky, Irina Gekht was appointed a member of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk region. Currently he holds the position of Deputy Chairman of the Federation Council Committee on Agricultural and Food Policy and Environmental Management, and is a member of the Federation Council Committee on Social Policy.

Irina Gekht is an active state councilor of the Chelyabinsk region, 3rd class, and a member of the Presidium of the Chelyabinsk Regional Political Council of the United Russia party.

Sergey Nosov

Sergey Nosov is a powerful manager with enormous leadership experience industrial enterprises and industrial assets. Nosov went through an excellent municipal school in one of the key municipalities of the Middle Urals, being the current head of Nizhny Tagil, the city in which one of the key defense enterprises of the Rostec state corporation is located: UralVagonZavod.

As a politician, Sergei Nosov demonstrated his talents by being elected in direct elections in Nizhny Tagil with a trust rating of 92%, which is unprecedented for municipal elections. The level of trust in Nosov among the population and elites is very high. But the President’s trust is even more important for Nosov’s political career.

Nizhny Tagil is unofficially called Putingrad for the special attitude of President Vladimir Putin towards this city. He personally patronizes the development of this municipal entity, and the head of Nizhny Tagil is endowed with a special status: it is impossible to become the head of this city without the consent of the Presidential Administration.

Thus, Sergei Nosov is a “handshake person” both for Vladimir Putin and for one of the President’s closest associates and one of the country’s main lobbyists - the head of the Rostec corporation Sergei Chemezov. Sergei Nosov has established good working contact with Chemezov. The head of Rostec may well act as his lobbyist for the post of governor of the Chelyabinsk region, which makes the assumption of Nosov’s future governorship quite realistic.

Information from Russian Press: Sergei Nosov was born on February 17, 1961 in the city of Magnitogorsk, Chelyabinsk region. He is a hereditary metallurgist, heir to a professional Ural dynasty. His grandfather, Grigory Nosov, headed the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works in the 1940s. It is in honor of Nosov’s grandfather that the main university of Magnitogorsk is named – Magnitogorsk State University technical university them. G.I. Nosova.

Sergei Nosov continued his family path, graduating with honors from the Magnitogorsk Mining and Metallurgical Institute. Subsequently received the title of Doctor of Technical Sciences. He began his career at MMK, where he rose to the position of deputy general director of the plant for production and investment. In the late 1990s, he was considered as a contender for the post of MMK general director. The media associate Nosov’s departure from the enterprise in 1998 with a conflict with the team of the current general director of MMK, Viktor Rashnikov.

In 1998, Nosov moved to the Sverdlovsk region, to Nizhny Tagil, where he achieved career heights at Nizhny Tagil Metallurgical Plant OJSC, becoming the general director of the enterprise. In the 2000s, he held a number of major management positions at Nizhny Tagil Metallurgical Plant OJSC, West Siberian Metallurgical Plant (Novokuznetsk), NTMK Industrial Site Directorate, EvrazHolding LLC, Tagilbank OJSC, Vysokogorsky GOK OJSC, Vysokogorsky Mining and Processing Plant OJSC, Seversky Pipe Plant", FSUE "ROSOBORONEXPORT" (Moscow), CJSC "RusSpetsStal" (Moscow).

In parallel with management activities Sergey Nosov developed political career, being a member of United Russia. From July to October 2012 he served as vice-governor Sverdlovsk region. Since October 14, 2012 - head of Nizhny Tagil.

He has a number of awards and orders, including the Order of Honor, the medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree.

Possible candidates

Despite the confident positions of Irina Gekht and Sergei Nosov, in political elite The possibility of appointing two more possible candidates to the post of governor of the Chelyabinsk region is also being discussed - Vladimir Burmatov and Mikhail Grishankov. It should be noted that they are discussed with concerns.

Vladimir Burmatov

Vladimir Burmatov is a young politician who already has quite a scandalous reputation. A native of the Young Guard, State Duma deputy. He himself has no weight as a political figure, but Vyacheslav Volodin acts as his lobbyist.

Recently, several information “stuffing” have been recorded in the Southern Urals, in which Burmatov, despite the lack of information about the discussion of his candidacy in the Presidential Administration, was positioned as a possible governor of the Chelyabinsk region. However, it should be noted that in last weeks the position of his patron, Vyacheslav Volodin, was seriously shaken. Judging by a number of facts, the President’s trust in the Speaker of the State Duma. Appeared in the media. It has become noticeable that the State Duma as a whole is losing influence, while the Federation Council, headed by Valentina Matvienko, is increasing it. In this situation, Burmatov's chances are very doubtful.

However, if we assume the possibility of Vladimir Burmatov coming to power in the Southern Urals, the prospects are catastrophic. Burmatov has a complete lack of managerial experience, but an extremely scandalous political reputation. If he comes to power, we can confidently predict.

It is already clear by what methods Burmatov’s friends “solve problems” - in particular, Chelyabinsk City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin, . It can be assumed that such methods of “management” under Burmatov’s governorship will acquire many times greater scope. There are fears, for example, that another friend of Burmatov, the self-proclaimed utility ombudsman, deputy of the Legislative Assembly Anatoly Vershinin, will take an active role in the redistribution of the utility business.

However, the “war” for parking lots, which was organized by Chelyabinsk City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin, significantly undermined Burmatov’s position, lowering his rating. For Chelyabinsk business, Burmatov is an absolutely unshakable figure. And among the political elite she is openly despised.

Mikhail Grishankov

Mikhail Grishankov is a deputy of the State Duma, a native of the regional department of the FSB in the Chelyabinsk region. He is respected in law enforcement agencies and is familiar with regional elites. Although Grishankov has lived in Moscow since 2011, he has maintained connections in the Southern Urals and an understanding of the local situation. And as one of the TOP managers of Gazprombank, Grishankov also has solid federal connections.

Although Grishankov’s chances are not as high as those of Sergei Nosov or Irina Gekht, his positioning as a possible governor of the Southern Urals has a certain basis. According to our sources, he was repeatedly included in the short list of the Presidential Administration for possible consideration as governor of the Chelyabinsk region. Grishankov’s lobbyist can be security forces and federal structures.

If Mikhail Grishankov’s political bet plays out, the consequences for the political and business elite of the Southern Urals will be ambiguous. There is a high probability of increased influence in the field of law enforcement agencies and, quite possibly, “werewolves in uniform” - which will make one remember the departed. Who, by the way, also planned to run for the post of governor.

"Dark horse"

A personnel surprise in the style of Vladimir Putin is also possible - the arrival of a candidate who has absolutely no connections in the Chelyabinsk region to the governor’s seat. There are such examples: for example, among the recent directions of “dark horses” one can name the appointments of Andrei Nikitin to the post of governor of the Novgorod region, Alexander Brechalov to the post of head of Udmurtia, Anton Alikhanov to the Kaliningrad region, Nikolai Lyubimov to the Ryazan region. The option of a “surprise” on the part of the President should also not be discounted.

The legacy of Boris Dubrovsky

Whoever comes to power in the Southern Urals after Boris Dubrovsky will inherit a very neglected economy. Dubrovsky's governorship was marked by a strong decline in the economy and the cultivation of a number of municipal problems, which is associated with illiterate, unreasonable, and sometimes downright inadequate managerial and political decisions of the “Magnitogorsk protege.”

Government reform and expulsion of competent leaders

In an attempt to improve work, Boris Dubrovsky changed the management team and government structure three times since January 15, 2014. The first change occurred immediately after his arrival to the post of acting governor of the Chelyabinsk region. From the top leadership of the regional government, Deputy Governor Sergei Buinovsky, three vice-premiers of the government of the Chelyabinsk region (Igor Murog, Vladimir Pavlenkov, Maxim Osipenko) and a number of ministers were dismissed. Dubrovsky got rid of people who worked with his predecessor, Mikhail Yurevich.

The second change in the leadership of the region occurred after the inauguration of Boris Dubrovsky. Having become the full-fledged governor of the Southern Urals on September 14, 2014, Dubrovsky radically changed the structure of the regional leadership, carrying out a fairly large-scale management reform. It consisted of combining the functions of the head of the regional government and the governor himself.

This reform was a serious mistake by Boris Dubrovsky. The essence of the reform boiled down to the elimination of the post of head of the government of the Chelyabinsk region Sergei Komyakov and his removal from serious work. A strong, experienced manager, Komyakov became the formal first vice-governor, left with virtually no powers - only Sergei Shal and the minister were subordinate to him agriculture Sergey Sushkov. The regional government was headed personally by Governor Boris Dubrovsky.

Apparently, in the person of the Prime Minister regional level Sergei Komyakov Dubrovsky saw his opponent. The newly-minted governor decided to strengthen his authority by personally taking control of the work of the regional government. Alas, this decision reflected the “factory” scale of Boris Dubrovsky’s management strategy. He approached the management of an entire region from the position of a director of an enterprise, and not a politician with a global vision of problems.

The separation of the functions of the governor and the government has worked well at the level different regions Russia, and at the federal level. It’s no secret that the prime minister takes on the role of a “lightning rod” in this scheme. If there is a negative attitude in society towards specific management decisions, the main negative is concentrated on executive officials, who are personified by the prime minister, while the head of the country (or region) maintains his rating positions. But Boris Dubrovsky did not take this into account, and as a result, all management failures in the Southern Urals are now directly associated with the person of the governor.

Dubrovsky’s obvious mistake was also tightening all the controls over the region. The governor clearly did not take into account that he was faced with tasks that were by no means of a workshop or even a factory scale. Lacking the necessary management experience even at the municipal level, Dubrovsky tried to take control not only of the global management of the region, but also the solution of private executive tasks. This turned out to be beyond his power. The inappropriateness of such an approach was combined with Dubrovsky’s managerial weakness and was complemented by the dispersal of the old team.

Having organized a “cleansing” of the regional administration from “Yurevich’s people” after the inauguration, Dubrovsky, in particular, “removed” Deputy Prime Minister Ivan Fyoklin and Alexei Loshkin, who at that time was in charge of the Ministry of Economy, Industry, Agriculture and the Main Control Directorate.

In fact, Dubrovsky kicked out the government and Deputy Prime Minister Irina Gekht, who successfully supervised social sphere. Hecht, being a strong and competent manager, confidently solved the problems of the regional ministries of health, social relations, education and science. But Vice-Governor Evgeny Redin, who supervised two social vice-premiers - Vadim Evdokimov and Irina Gekht, often entered into disputes with Gekht on various issues, without proper competence. In this confrontation, Dubrovsky decided to bet on Evgeniy Redin. Dubrovsky made this decision, quite likely, intending to master without interference budget funds ministries controlled by her, together with the faithful Redin.

Irina Gekht was formally removed and promoted to the Federation Council. The region has lost another competent leader. Evgeniy Redin’s competencies, alas, cannot be criticized.

The results of Boris Dubrovsky’s personnel decisions are clear: he never managed to create an adequately functioning team, and attempts to take over the functions of executive officials and personally control the work of the government failed.

The third change in management strategy finally deprived the region of hopes for adequate leadership. During the next upheavals, the governor's administration was liquidated as an authority and legal structure. The fallacy of this decision is evidenced by the fact that out of 85 constituent entities in the Russian Federation, less than ten supported this scheme. The closest neighbor, which also implemented this scheme, is the Kurgan region. It is significant that both the Kurgan and Chelyabinsk regions eventually fell sharply in federal rankings and found themselves among the regions with reduced social stability.

Evgeny Teftelev and the degradation of the regional center

One of the most high-profile personnel changes – the change of head of Chelyabinsk – requires special mention. This personnel decision was a real disaster, which lies entirely on the conscience of Boris Dubrovsky. The arrival of Magnitogorsk resident Evgeniy Teftelev in place of Sergei Davydov is a huge failure of the governor’s personnel policy. Nobody argues, and under Davydov there were problems in Chelyabinsk. But no one could have imagined how much degradation the capital of the Southern Urals would undergo under Evgeniy Teftelev!

Memes such as “meatball heaps” and “meatball porridge” have entered the everyday life of Chelyabinsk residents. Environmental and traffic problems have worsened, and the lobbying by the mayor and governor of the interests of the new monopolist, Yuzhuralmost, has reached a level of prohibitive impudence.

We can talk for a long time about the collapse that overtook Chelyabinsk under the new mayor, but this is unnecessary - the results of Evgeny Teftelev’s “work” are already visible to the naked eye. Suffice it to recall that Sergey Davydov was daily engaged in touring the districts of Chelyabinsk and solving current problems. Teftelev doesn’t travel around the city. The new mayor of Chelyabinsk became the head of the parquet office - by the way, just like his deputies. Looking at Teftelev, they relaxed and stopped touring their territories and district heads.

Boris Dubrovsky himself also felt the results of the activities (or rather, inactivity) of his protege. The “Magnitogorsk comrade,” who, theoretically, was supposed to become the governor’s support in the regional center, in reality

Economic collapse

The reform efforts of Boris Dubrovsky had a serious impact on the economic condition of the Southern Urals. Dubrovsky was the first of four governors of the Chelyabinsk region to abolish the Ministry of Industry as an independent unit - and this in an industrially developed region! As a result, today industrialists in the regional government have no one to talk to and nothing to talk about, which, of course, has become one of the key reasons for the sharp decline in the economy and industry in the Southern Urals.

During the governorship of Boris Dubrovsky, the Chelyabinsk region became one of the leaders in Russia in the number of defrauded shareholders and those liquidated as a result of bankruptcy construction companies. This anti-leadership was the result of the degradation of the construction cluster, which in previous years developed thanks to the constant support of governors Pyotr Sumin and Mikhail Yurevich. Under Dubrovsky, who is only interested in construction projects from which businesses affiliated with him can make money, the construction sector has found itself among the economic outsiders.

Things are going well only for companies controlled by Boris Dubrovsky. This is, in particular, YU KZhSI, headed by Dubrovsky’s long-term business partner Natalya Saleeva. The governor recently vested this company with super powers, making it the operator of all construction programs in the region. Magnitostroy-Greenflight, headed by the governor’s friend Oleg Laknitsky, is not complaining either. And, of course, Sinai Group, managed by deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Chelyabinsk Region Vladimir Ushakov and personally owned by the governor, is doing well.

Political failures

The destabilization of the political situation in the Southern Urals is another clear failure of Boris Dubrovsky. Trying to bring municipalities under control, he eliminated the institution of direct elections of heads of cities and districts throughout the Chelyabinsk region (with the exception of two rural settlements). The consequence of this policy was the rise to local leadership of ineffective heads who were uncontrollable by the population and not recognized by the same population.

The reform of local self-government was also unsuccessful. This project was proposed at the federal level, and Boris Dubrovsky hastened to intercept it, making the Chelyabinsk region a pilot region. It would have been wiser to wait for the results of the reform in other regions, but Dubrovsky decided to earn political points by intercepting the current agenda. But the tactical victory turned into a strategic failure. The reform was a complete failure.

During this reform, the governor deprived Chelyabinsk residents of the right to elect deputies to the city duma. Instead of directly electing city deputies, the population began to elect district deputies. A two-stage election system emerged, as a result of which City Duma deputies began to be elected not by the people, but by district deputies, who, in agreement with the governor, his political deputy and the regional chairman of the United Russia party, delegate the “worthy” and extremely loyal to the Chelyabinsk City Duma. In this situation, the business elite also became more active, conducting their representatives through district deputies.

As a result, the quality of the city deputies became the worst in the entire history of the Chelyabinsk City Duma. The City Duma is now almost entirely “staffed” by businessmen, and this, in turn, has given rise to a series of business scandals - just remember the “war” for parking lots initiated by City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin. Due to business scandals, either with parking lots or with kiosks, the city is constantly on the negative information agenda.

The commercial interests of deputies also led to the rapid degradation of city government and infrastructure:

— Such municipal unitary enterprises (MUPs) as ChKTS (Chelyabinsk Utilities) were liquidated heating networks), CHAT (Chelyabinsk bus transport), GET (Urban electric transport).

— Due to the liquidation of the MUP DRSU (Road Repair and Construction Department), as well as the bankruptcy of local DRSU in the region, the maintenance and cleaning of Chelyabinsk, as well as the repair of roadways in the region, were outsourced to the Magnitogorsk company Yuzhuralavtoban-Yuzhuralmost, about “quality ” whose works regularly post observations of indignant residents on social networks and YouTube.

— One of the key and so far insoluble problems is waste removal in the regional center - there are neither prospects for building a solid waste (solid waste) landfill, nor an understanding of what to do with the existing landfill.

— Scandalous preparations are underway for the concession agreement of MUP POVV (Production Association of Water Supply and Sanitation), which should go to Rossetti, a structure controlled by the owner of Alfa-Bank Mikhail Fridman, which will inevitably lead to an increase in tariffs for the population, as has already happened in Tyumen.

The very idea of ​​electing district deputies in order for the people’s representatives to become “closer to the people” did not justify itself at all. Firstly, as opinion polls show, the majority of Chelyabinsk residents do not know who their deputies are. Secondly, district deputies do not have the financial resources to carry out any useful features. Deputies are in no hurry to invest their money in solving local problems - be it replacing a street lamp or installing benches. But the city budget does not give them money for this.

On the one hand, this is logical: there is no point in creating another bureaucratic structure that will “leech” onto the budget. On the other hand, without financial resources, district parliament turns into a mere formality.

Dubrovsky should first analyze the experience of the pilot regions, and then think about how to implement this project. In fact, other, wiser regional heads analyzed the failed experience of the Chelyabinsk region.

The list of Boris Dubrovsky’s “achievements” can be continued indefinitely. We have touched upon only the visible part of this iceberg, but the above facts clearly demonstrate the level of degradation of the Chelyabinsk region, which was a direct result of the managerial incompetence and political shortsightedness of Governor Dubrovsky.

Everything that Boris Dubrovsky did in three years led to a complete loss of respect and trust in him among the population of the Chelyabinsk region. An indicator of the disappointment of the South Urals residents was the collapse of the governor’s rating from the original 86% to the current 20–25%. This, in turn, led to a significant decline in the rating of the United Russia party as the party in power, which could not be ignored by the federal center. The most important thing is that such regional cataclysms lead to a decrease in the rating of head of state Vladimir Putin, and in a pre-election year this is completely unacceptable.

As shown by the elections in State Duma VII convocation, held in September 2016, the indicators of United Russia in the Southern Urals were 16% lower than the Russian average. There was a danger of a similar “subsidence” in the presidential elections, because it was Vladimir Putin who delegated Dubrovsky to the Chelyabinsk region, and therefore the governor is associated as a protege of the President.

Finally, a key event showing the level of discontent, distrust and protest towards the current government was the arrival of oppositionist Alexei Navalny in Chelyabinsk on April 15, 2017, who opened a headquarters in the Southern Urals. Support for the oppositionist in the region turned out to be dangerously wide - at the time of the opening of his office, over 2,000 volunteers were already registered. Navalny himself called Chelyabinsk the fourth city in the country in terms of the number of his supporters.

All this could not go unnoticed by the federal center, so it does not cause any surprise and the idea of ​​the need for an early change of governor on the eve of the country’s main elections, which will determine the vector of its development for the next six years, seems quite logical.

Photo: gubernator74.ru, URA.Ru, gosRF.ru, Ystav.com, pravdaurfo.ru, hwww.chelduma.ru, chelduma.ru, telefakt.ru

Chelyabinsk men are so harsh... But even they do not always dare to visit the VKontakte page belonging to the son of the governor of the Chelyabinsk region Boris Dubrovsky - Alexander Borisovich. By the way, introduce yourself. Son of the governor Alexander Dubrovsky, thirty-three years old. By the age of twenty-four, this talented young man had already become the director of the Novatek Management Company and the Bobrovsky Plant CJSC reinforced concrete structures"Energy", part of the Sinai Group holding, owned by dad Boris Dubrovsky.

And here is the public profile of Comrade Dubrovsky Jr., where he answers questions about himself, his beloved:

Of course, dad, the current governor of the Chelyabinsk region, is also far from poor and was even among the top 25 best-paid top managers in Russia, taking 13th place, according to Forbes magazine, with an annual compensation of $7 million. And as the general director of MMK, Dubrovsky earned 340,514,591 rubles in 2013. That is, more than ten million dollars at the then exchange rate. But this was “before the governorship”, and therefore no claims are made against the millionaire governor, with the exception of... his major son.

So let's go back to the page in social network VKontakte, owned by the son of a millionaire governor, young business talent Alexander Dubrovsky. And then it turns out that this dear son, no less, is having fun by actively promoting fascist symbols. And for some reason in connection with the “Moscow Government Program”. Maybe this is some kind of secret relationship between the administration of the Chelyabinsk region and the leadership of the capital? Mr. Sobyanin, do you happen to know?

And there are also very strange “banter” videos about Adolf Hitler. The gray rectangles visible in the photo are videos that even the overly loyal VKontakte removed from public use.

By the way, according to the Administrative Code, propaganda of Nazi paraphernalia is punishable by fifteen days of arrest. But this is not about the governor’s son, of course.

And then it’s even more fun. The son of the Chelyabinsk governor, 33-year-old “big director” Sasha Dubrovsky, talks about “family prostitution” and actively recommends (apparently to the workers of his plant): “Woman, stop hanging around the plant! Prostitution is both more pleasant and better paid!

And, of course, drugs. Where would a major millionaire be without them? But in this case, there is also a call for the use of cocaine and marijuana, which is an administrative crime and, according to Article 6.13 of the Administrative Code “Propaganda of Drugs”, is punishable by a large fine.

And in the time remaining from the popularization of swastikas, prostitution and drugs, Alexander Dubrovsky harshly, on the verge of a foul, laughs at the guarantor of the Constitution, firmly believing that “daddy will cover” in any case.

However, there is already a crime here provided for by the Criminal Code, namely Article 319 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Insulting a representative of authority.” Do you remember how in October 2006 the Ivanovo Magistrate Court fined Vladimir Rakhmankov, editor of the Kursiv online newspaper, for insulting the President of Russia on the basis of Article 319 of the Criminal Code? And the reason was the material entitled “Putin as a phallic symbol of Russia.”

An amazing picture emerges. The president appoints the governor-papa to a high post, and the son faces criminal charges for insulting the President.

But, apparently, the dad-governor is still surrounded by not entirely dull sycophants, and someone decided to look into his son’s VKontakte and report to Boris Dubrovsky about the Internet delights of the heir. And then a quiet panic began, which gradually grew into an action to save the governor’s son.

Firstly, part of the content was instantly destroyed, but was safely preserved in the Yandex cache (Gallery). The governor’s PR service could not have foreseen this - the task apparently turned out to be too difficult.

And secondly, the press secretary of Governor Boris Dubrovsky, Dmitry Fedichkin, urgently made a statement that the account of the son of the governor, Alexander Dubrovsky, was... false. That is, it turns out that this is not a son at all, and, in general, not Dubrovsky, and not Alexander at all. Someone just ran past and drew a VKonakte page with all the personal, family, work and other photographs. That's how! It turns out that we have before us the “fake” son of the governor.

But then miracles began to happen. This supposedly “false” account of the governor’s son turned out to have the governor’s real daughter among his friends, and their lists of friends and relatives (mutual) completely coincide. For example, Anna Dubrovskaya’s account is a friend of the supposedly “fake” son of the governor, but she is also a friend of the governor’s son’s Facebook account.

Classmate Bystritsky is friends with the “fake” account, but he is also friends with Alexander Dubrovsky on Facebook, the same story with another classmate of the governor’s son, Alexei Bogatyrev. Here he is on VK, and here he is on Facebook. As a result, most of the accounts in the friends of the governor’s son are real, many with contact numbers, including cell phones.

I managed to talk with some of them (from the list of friends of Alexander Dubrovsky), and they confirmed to me that this VKontakte account was real and through it there was even personal correspondence with the son of the governor, Alexander Dubrovsky. The same fact is confirmed by the time of account registration and the first additions of friends - 2008.

And now a reasonable question arises. Why consider everyone idiots by giving out this page governor's son to a fake one? After all, this is so easy to check, as was done above. But, apparently, the command was given to “lie to your face” and “not admit to anything,” which was immediately carried out. The governor needs to be saved, and for this purpose all means are good.

Here is a funny story about how the son of a millionaire governor believes that he is allowed everything. And he is sure that for this “everything” nothing will happen to him. Dad will cover. And, in general, my son is right - dad is not having a breakdown, in any case he will cover on all fronts and with everyone possible ways. If only it didn’t reach the First Person...

Is there any benefit from Governor Dubrovsky?? March 23rd, 2016

I recently learned that in the Chelyabinsk region the gross regional product fell by 6%. How can this be? After all, the Chelyabinsk region is a powerful manufacturing cluster in Russia.

Although, in general, there is nothing to be surprised about, considering who the governor is there now.

Dubrovsky has been governor for about a year and a half. In fact, this is the time during which it is quite possible to form a fairly clear idea of ​​both the person and what is happening. Another definite idea is given by the information that in three years in office he earned more than 1 billion rubles.

So what are the problems in the region?

You can hear a lot of criticism among local residents and businesses in particular. Statistics confirm that there is a huge lack of tax collection in the region, a drop in production and turnover retail, rising unemployment and so on. Well, what about it? These are salaries and jobs. No matter how trivial it may sound, these are the same roads that residents criticize left and right. For example, a motorist during his trip from the Prostori microdistrict to Chelyabinsk recorded a video message addressed to the governor demanding attention to broken roads. The driver notices that every day, together with hundreds of other residents, he overcomes this path, which even minibuses refuse to travel on - it is so terrible.

Activists of the environmental movement "Time for Che" sent an appeal to the Governor of the Chelyabinsk Region Boris Dubrovsky, in which there is a demand to liquidate city ​​dump Chelyabinsk. The situation with this facility is actually catastrophic: the Chelyabinsk landfill with an area of ​​over 80 hectares, officially closed back in 1992, continues (!) to this day to regularly accept the city’s waste.

People living in the region have difficulty remembering any advantages or useful things for the region. They say that even his “brainchild” TLK Yuzhnouralsky, for which he prophesied a great future, was essentially built in vain, having wasted a lot of money, and all transportation now passes through Yekaterinburg, bypassing the complex.

In the city of Asha, residents protest against the transportation of manganese, in Rosa-Korkino they demand to solve the problem of the Korkino open-pit mine, Kopeisk - a fecal spill, Chelyabinsk - Tominsky GOK - smog, Chelyabinsk - the problem of defrauded shareholders, in the village of Suleya on March 1 a spontaneous public gathering was held against the construction of a chemical plant (at the meeting it turned out that none of the residents had accurate information about what kind of production was taking place right in front of their houses.), etc.

And with all this, the governor signed an order to dissolve the commission on operational cooperation to identify facts of violation of environmental legislation and timely prevent the consequences of such violations. The liquidation of the environmental headquarters may create the impression that the governor has already solved all the environmental problems of the region. But ask the locals for their opinion on this matter. You can guess what the answer will be. Just look at the statement of Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation Vladimir Nazarov that Chelyabinsk is one of the most disadvantaged cities in the Russian Federation in terms of air pollution.

Who is responsible for these issues in the region? Of course the governor. By yourself or by the capabilities of your team. For the people, in general, it makes no difference. As Putin recently said: “You need a specific person to have someone to hang.”

And I have always said that there are obvious results for which the average person is not obliged to understand, and will not. As long as the roads are smooth and clean, and Traktor wins medals, it is not so important for ordinary voters who cleans the roads and for how much, how much money is spent on the hockey club, and what the overall budget deficit in the region is. Simplified? Yes, but that's often true...

Among the strategic failures: the Chelyabinsk region finally failed to enter the transnational project “Great Silk Road”, although rosy and bright hopes were expressed in this regard, some State Duma deputies even boldly promised to achieve high performance. But it didn't work out...

All this naturally led to the fact that in the latest rating of the effectiveness of governors of the Civil Society Development Foundation, the governor of the Chelyabinsk region Boris Dubrovsky took only 23rd place.

Any manager can set agendas, and to correct difficult situation You need very strict control in relation to both yourself and your immediate environment. And what’s going on in the governor’s team is already visible to everyone. No responsibility for failed areas and specific projects. “We don’t touch our own,” is the slogan of the team leader. Of course, experiencing competition in the political arena, the governor is afraid of losing his like-minded people, but this all leads to complete irresponsibility and carelessness. And everyone sees this perfectly.

This is all happening against the backdrop of the governor’s complete closure from the population. Residents simply do not know what the governor and his team are doing and in which direction everything is moving.

Residents of the region, what do you say about this? Tell me what's going on with you?

A replacement has been found for the Chelyabinsk governor.

As a correspondent of The Moscow Post learned, the resignation of the governor of the Chelyabinsk region, Boris Dubrovsky, is coming soon. From sources close to the Kremlin, it became known that the administration of the President of the Russian Federation already has Dubrovsky’s resignation letter, although it has not yet been signed.

The last “bell” that the governor’s seat was “swaying” a lot was his non-participation in the recent anniversary of the city of Chelyabinsk. Boris Dubrovsky didn't even appear in public!

"Affairs" of the governor

The Chelyabinsk region, led by Boris Dubrovsky, was among the regions with the lowest socio-political stability.

Searches in the administration of Zlatoust in the case of the sale of land in the national park, the identification by the prosecutor's office of ineffective spending of venture capital funds and the initiation of bankruptcy proceedings for the Chelyabinsk Bus Transport enterprise also played a role.

Negative events were a petition from residents of the village of Rosa demanding that people be resettled from the danger zone and a hunger strike by utility workers in Kopeisk.

But experts called the United Russia primaries the main event of May. In the Chelyabinsk region, the results of the preliminary voting stimulated inter-elite contradictions or caused public criticism due to the fact that Mikhail Yurevich, who withdrew from the primaries, subsequently announced the possibility of independent nomination to the State Duma, including from systemic opposition parties.

“In 2015, Boris Dubrovsky faced serious political challenges and personnel losses,” Chelyabinsk political scientist Alexander Melnikov previously said.

The economy is also barely holding on thanks to federal subsidies. The region's budget deficit for this year is 11.8 billion rubles. The national debt amounts to an astronomical 40 billion rubles.

Governor and United Russia

Let us note that a prosecutor's inspection is expected in the Chelyabinsk region, which could cause a lot of trouble for Governor Boris Dubrovsky.

State Duma deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Valery Rashkin and Sergei Obukhov have already appealed to the Prosecutor General's Office with a request to check the information published by the former vice-governor of the Chelyabinsk region Nikolai Sandakov about the illegal financing of the United Russia campaign to the State Duma in 2011 and election fraud.

It says that at least 19 state and municipal employees illegally used their powers to campaign in support of United Russia in the State Duma elections. Also, according to Sandakov, the results of the regional stage of the elections were falsified.

“Sandakov’s note” states that about 2.5 billion rubles were illegally spent on campaigning events in support of United Russia in 2011 and Governor Boris Dubrovsky in the elections of the head of the region in 2014.

It was this situation (with the illegal spending of 2.5 billion rubles) that greatly outraged the opposition. Now, if the Prosecutor General’s Office reveals that Dubrovsky’s election campaign was financed illegally, the head of the Chelyabinsk region may face early resignation.

Dubrovsky is against laws?

Let us remind you that earlier, on condition of anonymity, an unknown high-ranking source said that Dubrovsky would soon be replaced, so “there is no point in voting for his henchmen - they won’t let them work anyway.” A number of journalists say that the “source” is none other than the Minister of Industry and Trade Russian Federation Denis Manturov.

Thus, in June 2015, the Chelyabinsk prosecutor’s office decided to protest the anti-democratic cancellation of mayoral elections in the region, initiated by Boris Dubrovsky. The reason for the conflict between Governor Dubrovsky and the security forces was the claim of the head of the regional association municipalities Yuri Gurman, who believes that the law violates the constitutional rights of citizens.

In addition to the contradiction to the Constitution, procedural violations were also committed. The court has already established that the draft law was submitted to the legislative assembly on March 11, and on March 12 it was adopted in three readings at once. But formally, a month should pass between the first and second reading! Moreover, the law was signed not by Governor Boris Dubrovsky, but by his deputy Sergei Komyakov, who at that time was acting head of the region!

Usually the cancellation of elections goes smoothly in the regions, as in Karelia, for example, some people who care for democracy are unhappy, but the security forces are silent. But in the Chelyabinsk region, the security forces took on Dubrovsky.

At the same time, searches took place in the Magnitogorsk mayor's office, which is considered absolutely loyal to the head of the region.

Earlier, in April 2015, the head of the Kunashaksky district in the Chelyabinsk region, Vadim Zakirov (an active associate of the regional governor Boris Dubrovsky), was arrested by law enforcement agencies for abuse of official powers (Article 285 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). Political scientists say that the security forces are slowly approaching the governor.

"Lobio in the Governor's Kitchen"

Many in the region are confident that Dubrovsky defends private interests in his post. Boris Aleksandrovich is gradually losing support because, not unreasonably, he is considered a lobbyist. For example, during the reign of Vladimir Dubrovsky in the Chelyabinsk region, only MMK Viktor Rashnikov’s business “went uphill”.

The first call was the appointment of MMK top manager Ivan Senichev as head of the governor’s administration (he left his post after the scandal). The Chelyabinsk opposition and social activists fear that Dubrovsky will be a governor-lobbyist for Viktor Rashnikov, who owns MMK.

After all, the current governor worked at the plant all his life, eventually becoming one of the most “expensive” top managers.

The question arises: why should one of the most expensive managers in Russia become the governor of the deficit Chelyabinsk region and receive a modest salary (about 300 thousand rubles per month) for top managers...

The answer is obvious - to lobby the interests of Rashnikov, who owns MMK! According to experts, now a businessman needs “his own governor” who protects the interests of the company at the regional level.

Boris Dubrovsky, having become the governor of the Chelyabinsk region, according to experts, tried to disguise his assets. Previously it was believed that he transferred his own enterprises to the management of his son Alexander. But extracts from the Unified State Register of Legal Entities and SPARK indicate that many of Boris Dubrovsky’s assets remained with him. It seems that the head of the region decided to create a whole chain of enterprises, behind which his numerous assets are hidden.

A number of publications claim that Dubrovsky 100% owns Sinai LLC (registered in Magnitogorsk; activities in the field of architecture, engineering and technical design in industry and construction).

Interestingly, the main income of this company comes from government contracts with the Magnitogorsk mayor’s office and other government bodies. In 2011, Sinai entered into government contracts worth 49.9 million rubles; there were contracts in 2012 and 2013. However, with revenue in 2012 of 49.9 million rubles, Sinai reported a loss of 2.44 million rubles. The company has two subsidiaries - Sinai-Stroy LLC and Formula of Purity LLC.

“I am Dubrovsky!”

In December 2014, a criminal case was opened against the editor-in-chief of the Chelnovosti.ru website, Igor Makarov, under paragraph “b” of Part 4 of Article 204 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Commercial bribery involving extortion of the subject of bribery”). The story is not simple, since Mr. Makarov often wrote about corruption and connections between the current governor Boris Dubrovsky and the management of the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works (MMK)! Now the journalist is “isolated” from business.

It is worth noting that Dubrovsky’s team often uses not entirely legal methods. Thus, one of the deputy governors threatened one of the local companies like a real bandit, demanding luxury cars for his boss.

There are rumors in the regional parliament that Dubrovsky cannot make effective decisions due to the fact that he allegedly drinks heavily. The Insider news agency writes that the governor has serious problems with alcohol. Moreover, they say that a “man of the people” is on vacation, as Dubrovsky positions himself, in best hotels world, for example, in the only “7-star” hotel in the world - “Burj al Arab” with corresponding prices.

There have been rumors about Dubrovsky's resignation for a long time. But the results of activities in the form of a region with the lowest socio-political stability are already in the field of view of the administration of the President of the Russian Federation and personally Vyacheslav Volodin. So, coupled with numerous scandals, rumors about Dubrovsky’s resignation may soon become a reality.

Who instead of Dubrovsky?

As Chelyabinsk observers note, recently the position of Vice-Governor Ruslan Gattarov has greatly strengthened. Its core competencies have increased. Big block economic issues remain at Dubrovsky, and Gattarov oversees investments, preparations for the SCO summit and other strategic projects.

As for the strengthening of Vice-Governor Ruslan Gattarov, his powers have not formally increased. Even the Ministry of Agriculture, contrary to expectations, was not assigned to Gattarov; the ministry is directly subordinate to the governor. Dubrovsky also rejected the candidacy of Oleg Dubrovin for the post of chairman of the PCB, proposed by Gattarov.

Arrest of Prokopenko

The director of the OGUP Chelyabinsk Regional Center for Navigation and Information Technologies, Vasily Prokopenko, was taken into custody until October 31, 2016, the press service of the city’s Central District Court reported. The official is accused of receiving a bribe on an especially large scale (Part 6 of Article 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation).

The crime was committed even before the Chelyabinsk resident entered government service. According to the investigation, holding the position of deputy director of a branch of the Rostelecom company, Vasily Prokopenko, through the mediation of the director of one of commercial organizations received a bribe for performing actions that were part of his job responsibilities. He and his accomplice were detained on the night of September 1 while handing over the money.

Rumor has it that Prokopenko is Gattarov’s man, and his arrest occurred with light hand Dubrovsky, who, apparently, also sees the young (39 years old) and dynamic Gattarov as a serious competitor!

In any case, the fate of Dubrovsky, and, consequently, the entire South Ural region, will be decided by the Kremlin. And here Dubrovsky’s chances seem scanty...

Will the governor of the Chelyabinsk region face resignation and an investigation into his activities?

Information has emerged that there are already three candidates vying for the post of head of the region. Among them are Deputy Governor Ruslan Gattarov, First Deputy Head of the region Evgeny Redin and Federation Council member Irina Gekht, who is supported by Federation Council Chairman Valentina Matvienko.

Dubrovsky is trying to save the situation and increase his influence over the disgruntled elite. To do this, the politician is trying to appoint the ex-vice-governor, and now the head of Traktor Holding Company, Ivan Senichev, as speaker of the regional Legislative Assembly. In the region alone, Senichev has long been considered a man of dubious reputation.

Is Dubrovsky flying with Senichev?

Ivan Senichev was dismissed after threatening to destroy the business of the Python company, which refused to part with two elite foreign cars for free. First, the subordinate heads of the region prepared a tender for the purchase of new cars. Dubrovsky wants to drive Cadillac Escalade SUVs, despite the fact that he owns two elite Range Rover SUVs.

Instead of a small penalty for terminating the Range Rover leasing, the employees wanted to simply seize the cars from the Python private security company. To refuse to hand over expensive foreign cars regional administration official Senichev promised to torture the company with constant inspections and survive from Chelyabinsk!

Let us recall that at the beginning of 2015, the security company and the regional administration entered into an agreement, according to which the private security company was supposed to not only protect the governor, but also provide elite transport.

Mr. Dubrovsky cannot travel in business class, he needs luxury cars! 22 million rubles were allocated from the regional budget to pay for these services for the year!!!

The officials chose two British Range Rovers worth nine million rubles each as their official cars. But Dubrovsky doesn’t like British jeeps. The security company registered both cars in its name and leased them, paying 365 thousand rubles a month. At the time of writing this material, Python has already paid more than four million rubles for the cars!

But Dubrovsky wanted to update the vehicle fleet, and in September 2015, Vice-Governor Senichev contacted the head of Python, proposing a different work scheme.

“You give us the cars, and we pay the further lease ourselves. If not, then we are your company x…. (obscene expression) We will buy cars like this for ourselves. Only you won't be here anymore. You will no longer be in Chelyabinsk for all types of activities. I will involve all my friends from the FSB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. We will start creating problems for each other. You give me problems, where to buy new cars, and I’ll give you a counter check,” Senichev promised.

Instead of the 22 million rubles promised under the contract, Kalugin’s private security company received only 12. Senichev made a recalculation taking into account the hours actually spent on protecting the head of the region until October 1 of this year.

Soon after this, Senichev was fired. Senichev acquired the “fame” of a politician who used “gangster” measures in the interests of Dubrovsky. So parliament will not approve such a person.

Dubrovsky - that's it?

Let us note that the Chelyabinsk region, led by Boris Dubrovsky, was among the regions with the lowest socio-political stability. The rating based on the results of May was compiled by the authoritative St. Petersburg Politics Foundation. Southern Urals was included in the top 7 outsiders. The sustainability index was 4.8 points.

Searches in the administration of Zlatoust in the case of the sale of land in the national park, the identification by the prosecutor's office of ineffective spending of venture capital funds and the initiation of bankruptcy proceedings for the Chelyabinsk Bus Transport enterprise played a role.

Negative events were a petition from residents of the village of Rosa demanding that people be resettled from the danger zone and a hunger strike by utility workers in Kopeisk. But experts called the United Russia primaries the main event of May. In the Chelyabinsk region, the results of the preliminary voting stimulated inter-elite contradictions or caused public criticism due to the fact that Mikhail Yurevich, who withdrew from the primaries, subsequently announced the possibility of independent nomination to the State Duma, including from systemic opposition parties.

“In 2015, Boris Dubrovsky faced serious political challenges and personnel losses,” Chelyabinsk political scientist Alexander Melnikov previously said. The economy is also barely holding on thanks to federal subsidies. The region's budget deficit for this year is 11.8 billion rubles. The national debt amounts to an astronomical 40 billion rubles.

Is the auditor coming to see Dubrovsky?

Let us remind you that State Duma deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Valery Rashkin and Sergei Obukhov have already appealed to the Prosecutor General's Office with a request to check the information published by the former vice-governor of the Chelyabinsk region Nikolai Sandakov about the illegal financing of the United Russia campaign to the State Duma in 2011 and election fraud.

It says that at least 19 state and municipal employees illegally used their powers to campaign in support of United Russia in the State Duma elections. Also, according to Sandakov, the results of the regional stage of the elections were falsified.

“Sandakov’s note” states that about 2.5 billion rubles were illegally spent on campaigning events in support of United Russia in 2011 and Governor Boris Dubrovsky in the elections of the head of the region in 2014.

It was this situation (with the illegal spending of 2.5 billion rubles) that greatly outraged the opposition. Now, if the Prosecutor General’s Office reveals that Dubrovsky’s election campaign was financed illegally, the head of the Chelyabinsk region may face early resignation.

Lobbyist?

By the way, the Chelyabinsk opposition and social activists fear that Dubrovsky is the governor-lobbyist of Viktor Rashnikov, who owns MMK. After all, the current head worked at the plant all his life, eventually becoming one of the most “expensive” top managers.

Back in 1991, Rashnikov was appointed chief engineer - first deputy general director. Since 1997, Viktor Filippovich headed OJSC MMK as General Director. Since April 2005 - Chairman of the Board of Directors. Since 2006 - President of LLC " Management company MMK".

A number of media outlets have published letters from the mailbox of one of the officials, which speak of the fact of extortion by Governor Boris Dubrovsky and the Sinai group. Interestingly, the immediate circle of the head of the region is being checked for corruption (extortion of funds).